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El-Rufai’s betrayal and Akpabio’s buffoonery
By Farooq Kperogi
Former Kaduna State governor Nasir El-Rufai’s rumored withdrawal from consideration as a minister in President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s government because high-tensile inter-elite intrigues torpedoed his senate confirmation and caused the president to sour on him is the bluntest, crudest, most double-dyed political treachery I’ve seen in a long time.
Sure, El-Rufai is a detestable, self-important, unfeeling, overweening, and divisive political villain whom I once called the most dangerous Nigerian politician alive, but he is more central to Tinubu’s emergence as president than the people on whose behalf Tinubu has thrown him under the bus.
El-Rufai left everything aside to galvanize support for Tinubu among northern governors, which was crucial to Tinubu’s win in APC’s primary election. He stood up to Muhammadu Buhari’s cabal on Tinubu’s behalf at a time when few people within the circles of power were willing to stick out their necks for a presidential wannabe.
When the Central Bank of Nigeria rolled out its damagingly bird-brained naira recolouring policy to stymie Tinubu’s chances at the polls, El-Rufai launched an all-out, scorched-earth, no-holds-barred rhetorical blitzkrieg against the CBN and honchos of the Buhari regime. Tinubu got tremendous sympathy and persuasive mileage from the knowledge that the hurt Nigerians were undergoing in the days leading up to the election was engineered to get at him, and no one enabled this awareness more than El-Rufai.
Additionally, Tinubu himself visited Kaduna and publicly implored El-Rufai to shelve his planned doctoral studies abroad and work with him. During his public appeal, Tinubu infamously said El-Rufai had the uncanny competence to turn “a rotten situation into a bad one.” At the time I wondered if it was a Freudian slip (which means he unintentionally let out what was in his mind), a targeted missile, or an innocent verbal mishap.
Now, that description of El-Rufai has assumed a whole new meaning, especially if you recall that Bayo Onanuga, celebrated journalist and former spokesman for the Tinubu presidential campaign, had said that Tinubu’s unflattering characterization of El-Rufai was “a mere Freudian slip.” Given his level of education and exposure, it’s unlikely that Onanuga doesn’t know what a Freudian slip is.
A Freudian slip, as I pointed out earlier, is a mistake that unintentionally reveals an uncomfortable truth that we wish to suppress. In other words, Onanuga said Tinubu actually secretly thought El-Rufai had a special knack for transforming rotten situations into bad ones but only unconsciously revealed this unpleasant truth in an unguarded moment.
Maybe Onanuga’s revelation that Tinubu’s statement was a “mere Freudian slip” was itself a Freudian slip. That means even Onanuga believed Tinubu’s horrid character portrait of El-Rufai, and inadvertently betrayed it in his statement defending his boss.
Anyway, because I cherish the virtues of honor and integrity, betrayal even to a scoundrel activates vicarious unease in me. Public humiliation isn’t a just reward for the efforts El-Rufai invested in contributing to Tinubu’s ascendancy to the presidency.
Nonetheless, truth be told, as a person, El-Rufai doesn’t deserve anyone’s pity. What he is going through now is mere karmic payback. Treachery is the currency of his politics.
Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar brought El-Rufai from obscurity to the national limelight by giving him a job as the DG of the Bureau of Public Enterprises. But he turned against Atiku and publicly denied any debt to him for his political rise.
But in cables WikiLeaks exposed, he confessed to American embassy officials that Atiku indeed gave him his first public service job. In a 2006 cable, Ambassador John Campbell quoted El-Rufai as telling him that “he had entered government service by working for the Vice President.”
On December 31, 2002, according to U.S. Embassy in Nigeria cables published by WikiLeaks, El-Rufai ran to US officials to give them foreknowledge of his plan to resign as DG of BPE in early 2003. He spoke approvingly of Atiku and was severely censorious of Obasanjo during the meeting.
“El-Rufai said the VP (chair of the National Council on Privatization, the policy-making body that oversees BPE) had pressed for further information on why he wanted to return to the private sector. El-Rufai responded that President Obasanjo’s commitment to privatization and greater transparency had collapsed under the pressures of politics,” Ambassador John Cambell wrote. “Trying too hard to please those who could never be placated, Obasanjo was sacrificing the precepts of a sensible economic agenda in the interest of getting re- elected.”
El-Rufai later betrayed Atiku about whom he spoke glowingly in meetings with U.S. officials. He found a new benefactor in Obasanjo whose unethical practices he’d said compelled his resignation as DG of BPE.
On September 21, 2006, for instance, El-Rufai went to meet with the U.S. ambassador to Nigeria and the UK High Commissioner “under instruction” from President Obasanjo to inform them of and seek their blessing to deny Atiku Abubakar the chance to succeed his Obasanjo. That’s a wild change of loyalties.
“After opening pleasantries in which el-Rufai noted that one of his children is an American citizen, the Minister emphasized that his call was at the explicit instruction of the President; he would also be seeing the British High Commissioner, similarly on instruction,” Campbell wrote. “The President’s purpose is to brief the representatives of Nigeria’s ‘closest allies’ on his strategy for ensuring that the Vice President may not run for the presidency in 2007. Rather than seeking the Vice President’s impeachment for corruption by the National Assembly, El-Rufai continued, the President had appointed an administrative panel of his close political allies (El-Rufai was a member, as was Minister of Education Obi Ezekwesili, Attorney General Bayo Ojo and Minister of Finance Nenadi Usman) to investigate charges of corruption against Atiku.”
Of course, El-Rufai later betrayed Obasanjo—and everybody else that has propelled his career or extended favors to him. Obasanjo himself would later write about El-Rufai’s compulsive treachery and duplicity. Given his history, there is no question that El-Rufai would have been treacherous to Tinubu, too, in due course. He would have made Tinubu’s “a rotten situation into a bad one.”
El-Rufai seems congenitally incapable of being loyal to people who feather his aspirations.
What’s happening to El-Rufai now actually pales in comparison to the depth of his serial betrayal of his benefactors. It’s a case of live by the sword, die by the sword.
Akpabio: A Buffoon as Senate President
It’s now obvious that Godswill Akpabio is a dimwitted, cognitively vacant man-child who holds a position that’s light-years above his intellectual and emotional pay-grade. He is a total airhead who has no business being in the senate, much less being the head of it. How did we get to the point that someone who is that nescient, that brainless, and that imbecilic is senate president?
The other day, he outraged the sensibilities of a hurting nation when he mocked the poor by ridiculing the phrase “Let the poor breathe,” an earnest, intense mantra that encapsulates the dire existential desperation of the vast majority of our people who are suffocating under the weight of hard-hearted, paralyzing economic policies.
Then this week, he was caught on live TV informing senators that the clerk of the senate had sent them unspecified sums of money to facilitate the enjoyment of their forthcoming parliamentary break at a time the poor are stripped of every subsidy and told to die by installment in the interest of a “better” tomorrow that many won’t live to see—and that won’t materialize even if they manage to survive the ongoing crunch.
When smarter crooks in the senate alerted him to the callousness of his unsolicited assault on the psyche of the poor, he took back what he said and lied that he meant that he had sent prayers to the mailboxes of senators! How do you send prayers to mailboxes? Does Akpabio think everyone is a rude, crude, buffoonish and vulgar rube like him?
*Kperogi is a Professor of Journalism and Emerging Media at Kennesaw State University, Georgia, United States, and a notable columnist
News
Fubara to commission 10 completed projects
Rivers State Government will from Monday, August 17, begin the commissioning of 10 major people-oriented projects across the state as part of efforts by Governor Siminalayi Fubara’s administration to deepen development at the grassroots.
The commissioning programme, which will run through August 31, will cover projects across several local government areas, include roads, bridges, healthcare facilities, educational infrastructure and other public facilities.
The Secretary to the Rivers State Government, Dr Dagogo Wokoma, disclosed this on Friday during a media briefing in Port Harcourt.
According to Dr Wokoma, the projects are tangible evidence of the Governor’s commitment to transforming communities and addressing the developmental needs of residents across the state.
A statement by Juliana Masi, Head, Information and Public Relations Unit, office of the Secretary to the State Government, said that Dr. Wokoma disclosed that the commissioning will commence on August 17 with the Buguma-Degema-Abonnema Road, which links communities in Asari-Toru, Degema and Akuku-Toru Local Government Areas.
The Egwi-Afara-Mba Road in Etche Local Government Area will be commissioned on August 18, followed by the Capt. Elechi Amadi Polytechnic’s Entrepreneurship Centre/Engineering Faculty Building on August 19.
The statement which was shared by Onwuka Nzechi, Chief Press Secretary to the River State Governor also stated that on August 20, the Governor will commission the Elele-Egbeda-Omoku Dual Carriage Way in Ikwerre/Emohua/Onelga Local Government Areas, while the Omoku Zonal Hospital, Omoku in ONELGA, will be commissioned on August 21st.
The commissioning programme will resume on August 24 with the Omademe Internal Roads in Ikwerre LGA and attention will shift to Port Harcourt LGA on August 25 for the Commissioning of the New Runway at the Air Force Base, Rumuola.
On August 26, attention will shift to Emuoha LGA for the commissing of the Agba Ndele Road and Bridge while two major health facilities — the Neuro Psychiatric Hospital and New General Hospital, Rumuigbo, both in Obio/Akpor — are scheduled for commissioning on August 27.
The 10-day programme will end on August 28 with the commissioning of the Bonny National Grammar School in Bonny Local Government Area.
Dr. Wokoma said the projects reflected the administration’s determination to ensure that government policies and programmes affect citizens positively.
“These projects scheduled for commissioning are tangible evidence of His Excellency’s unwavering dedication to transform our communities and address the developmental needs of our people,” he said.
He added that the projects underscored the administration’s commitment to ensuring that governance produced “meaningful and measurable benefits for every citizen across the 23 Local Government Areas of the State.”
The SSG also acknowledged the contributions of government officials, contractors, host communities and other stakeholders to the completion of the projects as he urged Rivers people to participate in the commissioning activities and continue to support the administration in its pursuit of peace and development.
“We invite all Rivers people to join in celebrating these milestones and to continue supporting the administration of Governor Siminalayi Fubara as it advances peace, development, progress, and prosperity,” Dr Wokoma said.
News
2027: Full text of what NHRC boss Tony Ojukwu said concerning rising incidences of hate speech, intimidation and threat to life
I welcome you to this press conference convened by the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) at a critical moment in our national life.
As Nigeria prepares for the 2027 General Elections, the Commission considers it necessary to draw public attention to the growing use of hateful, intimidating, intolerant, denigrating, violence, inflammatory and divisive rhetoric and its potential consequences for human rights, peaceful coexistence and democratic participation.
The NHRC, as Nigeria’s independent National Human Rights Institution with a mandate to promote, protect and monitor human rights, has a responsibility to speak whenever public discourse threatens peaceful coexistence, human dignity, equality, peace and the enjoyment of fundamental rights and freedoms.
1. WHY WE ARE HERE
In recent weeks, the Commission has had cause to express concern over statements attributed to certain public figures, including Sheikh Sani Yahaya Jingir and Senator Francis Fadahunsi, which, in the assessment of the Commission, have crossed the red line for decency, have the potential to denigrate individuals or groups, deepen social divisions and heighten tensions and instigate violence.
The Commission reiterates that freedom of expression is a fundamental human right. However, freedom of expression carries responsibilities. It does not provide a licence to incite violence, promote hatred, dehumanise others or deliberately provoke hostility against persons or communities.
Our intervention today is therefore not directed at any political party, religious group, ethnic community or individual. It is a human rights intervention aimed at protecting the dignity and equal worth of every person and preserving the conditions necessary for peaceful, credible and inclusive elections.
2. HATE SPEECH AND DIVISIVE RHETORIC: A HUMAN RIGHTS CONCERN
Hate speech should not be dismissed as mere political rhetoric or provocative language.
When public discourse portrays individuals or communities as enemies, inferior, dangerous or undeserving of rights and protection, it can contribute to discrimination, exclusion, intimidation and violence.
The consequences may include:
• Erosion of human dignity and equality;
• Incitement and escalation of violence;
• Discrimination against individuals and communities;
• Restrictions on meaningful political participation;
• Intimidation of voters and political opponents;
• Deepening of ethnic, religious and regional divisions; and
• Undermining of public confidence in democratic institutions.
These concerns are firmly rooted in Nigeria’s constitutional and international human rights obligations, including the protection of human dignity, equality, freedom of expression and peaceful participation in public affairs.
The appropriate response, however, must always be grounded in law, due process and respect for fundamental rights.
3. LESSONS FROM HISTORY
History has demonstrated that sustained denigrating, dehumanising and inflammatory rhetoric can create an environment in which discrimination and violence become increasingly acceptable.
The experience of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda remains one of the world’s most painful reminders of the destructive power of propaganda, denigration, dehumanisation and incitement.
Nigeria is not Rwanda, but the Commission suggests that the situation if unchecked could escalate circumstances into uncontrolled violence and chaos. God forbid. Nevertheless, the lesson is universal: societies must not wait until inflammatory rhetoric translates into violence before taking preventive action.
Prevention is a fundamental human rights obligation and the government has the primary responsibility under both national and international law to prevent violence and protect the people.
We must therefore identify and address dangerous narratives early, strengthen responsible public communication and ensure that those who cross the boundaries established by law are held accountable through lawful processes.
4. THE STAKES FOR THE 2027 GENERAL ELECTIONS
Elections should provide citizens with an opportunity to freely determine their political future.
The 2027 General Elections must therefore be contests of ideas, policies, programmes, competence and service—not contests defined by hatred, ethnic hostility or religious antagonism.
Unchecked divisive rhetoric can contribute to:
1. Political violence through attacks, intimidation and threats against opponents and voters;
2. Communal tensions by exploiting ethnic, religious and regional identities;
3. Displacement and insecurity where communities feel threatened or targeted;
4. Suppression of civic participation where citizens become afraid to speak, assemble or come out to vote freely;
5. Erosion of democratic institutions and public trust; and
6. Long-term social fragmentation that may persist long after an election has ended.
The protection of human rights and the prevention of election-related violence must therefore be regarded as complementary objectives.
5. THE POSITION OF THE NATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION
The NHRC unequivocally condemns hate speech, incitement to violence, intimidation, or dehumanising rhetoric and all forms of communication that threaten the dignity, security and rights of individuals or communities.
Accordingly, the Commission:
First, calls on all public officials, political actors, candidates and aspirants to exercise the highest level of responsibility in their public statements and political communication.
Second, urges political parties to call their party faithfuls to order and strengthen internal mechanisms for preventing and sanctioning intimidating and inflammatory rhetoric and to promote issue-based campaigns that respect rights.
Third, calls on religious, traditional and community leaders to use their considerable influence to promote peace, tolerance, mutual respect and peaceful coexistence rather to promote hate and violence and disunity.
Fourth, urges law enforcement and other relevant institutions to respond appropriately to credible cases of incitement, intimidation, threats and unlawful conduct, in accordance with the Constitution and applicable laws, while respecting due process and fundamental rights.
Fifth, calls on the media to uphold professional and ethical standards in reporting intimidating and inflammatory statements. Responsible journalism requires that potentially harmful content is not amplified without context, verification and appropriate public-interest considerations.
Sixth, calls on social media users and digital platforms to exercise responsibility in the creation and dissemination of content. Nigerians should verify information before sharing content capable of provoking hatred, hostility or violence.
Seventh, encourages citizens who experience or witness human rights violations to report them through appropriate lawful channels, including the National Human Rights Commission.
6. A CALL FOR RESPONSIBLE LEADERSHIP
The responsibility for preventing election-related violence does not rest with government or security institutions alone. Every Nigerian has a role to play.
To our political leaders, we say: compete on ideas, programmes, competence and your record of service—not on hatred or division.
To our religious and traditional leaders, we say: use your platforms to build bridges, promote tolerance and protect the dignity of every Nigerian.
To the media, we say: inform the public without becoming an amplifier of hatred or incitement.
To young Nigerians, particularly those who constitute a significant part of our online population, we say: do not allow yourselves to be used as instruments for spreading inflammatory content or misinformation.
And to all Nigerians, we say: our ethnic, religious and cultural diversity is not a weakness. It is part of the richness of our national identity.
7. THE WAY FORWARD
The NHRC will continue to monitor developments, document human rights concerns, engage relevant stakeholders and use its statutory powers to promote and protect human rights throughout the electoral cycle.
The Commission will also continue to advocate for a human rights-based approach to elections—one that places the dignity, safety, equality and participation of every Nigerian at the centre of the democratic process.
We must act before rhetoric becomes violence.
We must promote dialogue before division becomes conflict.
And we must protect human dignity before violations become irreversible.
8. CONCLUSION
Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen,
The forth coming elections should be an opportunity to strengthen our democracy, not a trigger for division.
Nigeria has faced difficult moments before, and we have repeatedly demonstrated the capacity to overcome our differences. What we need now is responsible leadership, responsible communication and a renewed commitment to the fundamental principle that every Nigerian is entitled to dignity, equality and protection under the law.
The National Human Rights Commission will not remain silent when human dignity and fundamental rights are threatened.
We call on all stakeholders to join us in building an electoral environment in which disagreement does not become hatred, political competition does not become violence, and diversity does not become a justification for discrimination.
Let us disagree without dehumanising one another.
Let us compete without destroying one another.
Let us campaign without inciting one another.
And let us protect the Nigeria we all share.
I thank you for your attention.
I am now ready to take your questions.
*Chief Tony Ojukwu, OFR, SAN*
*Executive Secretary/CEO*
*National Human Rights Commission*
*President Network of National Human Rights Institutions*
*in West Africa*
News
Breaking: Court of Appeal rules in favour of Turaki -led PDP candidate for Osun governorship election
The Court of Appeal, Abuja Division, on Thursday, ruled that the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP Gubernatorial Candidate in Osun State was validly nominated by the Tanimu Turaki-led National Working Committee.
The court also ordered INEC to list the PDP logo on the ballot ahead of Saturday’s gubernatorial election.
The Court held that access code is neither a creation of the Constitution nor the Electoral Act; rather, a creation of INEC’s guidelines and cannot, in any way, override the provisions of the Constitution.
Section 288 of the Constitution does not specify the method for nominating candidates; it only states that the names of candidates should be forwarded to the Commission.
The court further held that the defendant (INEC) should take steps to include the name of the appellant on the ballot paper.
Additionally, the court ruled that the primary election conducted by the Tanimu Turaki-led National Working Committee (NWC) of the PDP was a valid primary election in law.
The three-man panel of justices—Justice Mahmud, Justice Jaro, and Justice Ankawere, was unanimous in its judgment.
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