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Why Northerners don’t call Tinubu “Jagaban”
By Farooq Kperogi
Southern Nigerians have asked me two persistent, trivial questions about President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. The first is why most Hausa-speaking northerners don’t call Tinubu “Jagaban” as a standalone title like southerners do. Since I am from Borgu, I’ve also been asked why Tinubu was knighted as the “Jagaban Borgu” or the “Jagaba of Borgu.” And what does the title mean, anyway?
I didn’t think the questions were worth a response, much less a column-length one, because, until now, Tinubu was either just a major, if unofficial, political player in the Buhari regime or a candidate for president. Now that he is president, I think these questions are deserving of a response in the interest of historical and political education.
Hausa-speaking northerners don’t say “jagaban” as a stand alone word because it is ungrammatical in their language. The usual word is “jagaba.” When it transforms to “jagaban” it must be followed immediately by a place name because the additional “n” is a preposition that signifies “of.” So, it is either “the Jagaba of Borgu” or “Jagaban Borgu.” If the title is not associated with a place, it’s simply “Jagaba,” not “Jagaban”
To say “Jabagan of Borgu” is to commit an ungainly interlingual prepositional tautology since “n” and “of” mean exactly the same thing. Of course, interlingual tautologies are not uncommon. For example, we say Aso Rock even when “aso” means “rock” in the Gbagyi language. We say “Lake Chad” even when “chad” means “lake” in Kanuri. And we say “Sahara Desert” even when “sahara” means “desert” in Arabic.
Since linguistic habits often form and evolve outside notions of correct usage, I won’t be surprised if even Hausa-speaking northerners start to call Tinubu “Jagaban”—or even “Jagaban of Borgu.” Nigeria’s southwest is, after all, the country’s sociolinguistic pacesetter because of the centrality of Lagos as the cultural capital.
So, what does “jagaba” mean? Well, it’s the Hausa word for chief warrior, warlord, frontrunner, or simply a brave man. It’s derived from “ja,” which means pull and “gaba,” which means front in the Hausa language. A jagaba is, therefore, someone who leads from the front, which is another way of describing a war commander. In other words, “Jagaban Borgu” or the “Jagaba of Borgu” means the Chief Warrior of Borgu.
The title was conferred on President Tinubu in February 2006 by the late Alhaji Haliru Dantoro who was Emir of Borgu in New Bussa from 2002 to 2015. Dantoro and Tinubu struck up an enduring, if unusual, friendship in 1992 when both of them served as senators in IBB’s abortive Third Republic. Dantoro was a senator on the platform of the National Republican Convention (NRC) and Tinubu was elected on the platform of the Social Democratic Party (SDP).
Although they belonged to different political parties, had diametrically opposed ideological temperaments, and Tinubu was much younger than Dantoro, they hit it off and sustained their friendship even after Sani Abacha dissolved the senate.
On February 26, 2006, exactly four years after Dantoro became emir, he knighted Tinubu as “Jagaban Borgu” (or the Jagaba of Borgu) and Remi Tinubu, his wife, as Yon Bana Jagaban Borgu.“When God made me the Emir, I said this man was there when I was in dire need of help, so why can’t I use my position to make him what I feel will help him in future politically?” Dantoro said in a news interview before his death.
Dantoro’s graciousness toward Tinubu doesn’t come to me as a surprise. As I pointed out in my November 07, 2015, column titled “Tribute to Haliru Dantoro, Emir of Borgu,” Dantoro was a conciliatory, even-tempered, and pleasant person who loved to build bridges across cultures, regions, ideologies, and faiths. Six months before his death, former President Muhammadu Buhari testified that even though he imprisoned Dantoro in 1984, along with other Second Republic politicians, he forgave him and even went “ahead to establish [a] very strong and cherished personal relationship” with him.
Dantoro and my father’s immediate younger brother, J.B. Kperogi, were also fierce political rivals in the Second Republic in the old Borgu, yet when I had a chance to meet him in 1999 as a young reporter and he recognized me as the nephew of his former political opponent, he was kind and gracious to me, asked after my uncle, and emphasized the importance of unity in the old Nigerian Borgu that is now splintered in parts of Kwara, Niger, and Kebbi states.
Having said this, it’s important to state that “jagaba” is not a Borgu title; it’s borrowed from Hausa land. The ancient Borgu empire was a pluri-ethnic, confederate polity and was peopled by many ethnic groups, but mostly by the Baatonu (whom Yoruba people call Bariba, Ibariba, or Baruba), the Boko (or Bokobaru/Bisa), the Fulani, the Kambari, and the Dendi people.
Ancient Borgu stretched from what is now northeastern Benin Republic (where a Borgou state exists) to present-day Baruten and Kaiama local governments in Kwara State; Borgu and Agwara local governments in Niger State; and Bagudo and Dandi local governments in Kebbi State.
In 1904, Nigerian Borgu, which Lord Salisbury once angrily derided as “a malarious African desert…not worth a war,” was initially designated as a province by British colonizers. That was the equivalent of a state in modern parlance. It was later downgraded to a “division” of several provinces, including Kebbi Province, Kontagora Province, and Ilorin Province because it wasn’t economically self-sustaining.
When Kwara State was created in 1967, most of Borgu (except Bagudo and Dandi) became a part of the state and existed as Nigeria’s largest local government area until August 27, 1991, when IBB carved out what is now Borgu and Agwara local governments to Niger State.
I don’t know why Dantoro didn’t give Tinubu a title that is native to the Bisa/Boko-speaking people of New Bussa, but Professor Halidu Usman, the Emir of Desa (known as Ilesha Baruba by Yoruba people) in the Baruten Local Government in Kwara State once defended handing out Hausa-derived traditional titles because, according to him, the repertoire of native Borgu titles is severely limited and has been exhausted in light of the changing cultural environment.
In any case, Borgu has always been a melting pot that fuses multifarious cultural influences from far-flung places. Many historic and deeply entrenched Borgu royal titles have Hausa or Kanuri roots. Take Kilishi Yeruma, for example. It is a fossilized, time-honored title in all of Borgu for the heir apparent to the throne. It is derived from a fusion of Hausa and Kanuri.
Kilishi is the Hausa word for rug (which symbolizes the throne) and Yeruma is the corruption of the Kanuri “yerima,” which means prince. The town of Kishi in the Oke-Ogun area of Oyo State, was founded by a Borgu prince called Kilishi Yeruma, and Kishi (or Kisi) is the short form of Kilishi. It’s a history people of Kishi are intimately familiar with and proud of. That is why the Iba of Kishi attends the yearly Gaani festival in Borgu.
Interestingly, when I discussed Tinubu’s Borgu title with my paternal uncle a few days ago, he jokingly wondered if Tinubu was aware that he was shirking the duties his title required of him by removing fuel subsidies, which has multiplied the deprivation of border communities such as Borgu.
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FG, NIMET, IFAD, SAPZ launch CSAPR to strengthen climate resistance, improve agric productivity
Photo caption: NiMet DG Anosike speaking at the event.
The Nigrrian government has officially launched the Climate-Smart Agribusiness Partnership for Resilience (CSAPR) Project to strengthen climate resilience, improve agricultural productivity, and promote the use of Climate Information Services (CIS) across Nigeria’s agricultural value chains.
The project was launched by the government, in collaboration with Nigerian Meteorogical Agency (NiMet), International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) and the Special Agro-Industrial Processing Zones (SAPZ) Programme.

Speaking at the launch held on Friday, 24 July 2026, in Abuja, the Permanent Secretary of the Federal Ministry of Agriculture and Food Security, Dr. Marcus Olaniyi Ogunbiyi, described the project as a major milestone in Nigeria’s drive towards a more productive, inclusive, and climate-resilient agricultural sector. He said the initiative would integrate Climate Information Services into agribusiness solutions through collaboration among government institutions, development partners, financial institutions, the private sector, and farmer organizations.
Dr. Ogunbiyi acknowledged the contributions of key partners, including NiMet, IFAD, the Gates Foundation, and other stakeholders, for their commitment to climate-smart agriculture and resilient food systems. He urged all partners to sustain the spirit of collaboration to expand climate-smart agribusiness opportunities, unlock financing for farmers, and improve livelihoods.
In his remark, the Director-General/CEO of NiMet, Prof. Charles Anosike, described the project as a timely and strategic initiative that aligns with the Federal Government’s Renewed Hope Agenda. He emphasized that timely, accurate, accessible, and actionable weather, climate, and water-related information is critical to climate-smart agriculture, sustainable food systems, and building resilience across Nigeria’s agricultural value chains.
Anosike who doubles as Nigeria’s Permanent Representative at the World Meteorological Organization (WMO), described the project as a timely and strategic to farmers, agribusinesses, financial institutions, insurers, processors, logistics providers, and investors.
He added that all stakeholders require reliable climate intelligence to make informed decisions, manage risks, safeguard investments, and improve productivity. He emphasized the need to translate climate information into simple, localized, and actionable advisories while strengthening public-private partnerships to expand the delivery of climate services to farmers and agribusinesses.
He reaffirmed NiMet’s commitment to supporting the project through its Seasonal Climate Prediction, agrometeorological bulletins, impact-based forecasts, early warning advisories, and digital climate advisory platforms.
Also speaking, IFAD Country Director, Ms. Dede Ekoue, commended the Federal Ministry of Agriculture and Food Security for its leadership and acknowledged NiMet’s technical contributions to the design of the project. She noted that the CSAPR Project will strengthen financially viable public-private partnerships that integrate Climate Information Services into agricultural value chains, enabling farmers and agribusinesses to better adapt to climate variability while improving resilience, productivity, and investment.
Speaking on behalf of the National Programme Coordinator of the SAPZ Programme, Dr. Kabir Yusuf, the representative highlighted early achievements under the project, including the installation of automated weather stations in Ogun and Kano States, the commencement of climate information dissemination, and the distribution of digital devices to farmer organization leaders to facilitate timely weather advisory services.
The CSAPR Project is a Federal Government of Nigeria initiative financed by the Gates Foundation, implemented by the Federal Ministry of Agriculture and Food Security through the SAPZ Programme with support from IFAD and NiMet, and is expected to strengthen climate resilience, enhance food security, and improve the livelihoods of small holder farmers by embedding Climate Information Services into sustainable agribusiness solutions delivered through effective public-private partnerships.
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Al Mustapha angry with ex-DSS officer for alleging Abacha died on top of a woman
Former Chief Security Officer to late Head of State, General Sani Abacha, Major Hamza Al-Mustapha, is angry with Mr. Amachree, a former DSS officer who alleged Abacha died on top of a woman
Amachree had alleged in his book released recent that the former dictator died while having sexual intercourse with a lady who was friends with the girl friend of the late head of state.
In a reaction, Al Mustapha dismissed the claims, describing the account as false.
Speaking with journalists in Kaduna, Al-Mustapha said the claims contained in the former DSS official’s book were untrue, alleging that the author was influenced by others to write them.
“The boy was asked to write the lies by others. I have all the CCTV footages of what happened in my custody, so what he said are not true,” Al-Mustapha said.
He maintained that the account presented in the publication did not reflect what transpired, insisting that he possessed evidence to contradict the assertions made about Abacha’s death.
Al-Mustapha further urged the public to disregard the claims, saying it was wrong to make what he described as false statements against someone who was no longer alive to respond.
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Reprieve for Aisha Achimugu as court of appeal discharges EFCC of powers to freeze her accounts
The Court of Appeal in Port Harcourt, Rivers State, has delivered a major setback to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) in its prolonged financial restrictions against businesswoman Aisha Achimugu.
The appellate court declared that the continued freezing of 124 bank accounts linked to Ms Achimugu was an abuse of court process and a subversion of the rule of law.
In a unanimous judgment, a three-member panel of the court discharged and vacated the ex parte order obtained by the EFCC more than 15 months earlier to freeze the accounts of Achimugu and several corporate entities associated with her.
The court also overturned the Federal High Court’s order directing the reversal of ₦1.8 billion transferred from a SunTrust Bank account to a Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN)/EFCC recovery account.
However, the appellate court’s decision did not validate the EFCC’s transfer of the money, leaving open the question of the legal basis upon which the anti-graft agency moved the funds.
The judgment was delivered by Justice Muhammad Ibrahim Sirajo, who sat with Justices Ishaq Mohammed Sani and Eleojo Enenche.
The case dates back to April 10, 2025, when the Federal High Court in Port Harcourt, presided over by Justice Turaki Adamu, granted an ex parte application by the EFCC to freeze 124 bank accounts allegedly linked to Achimugu, a businesswoman and founder of Oceangate Engineering Oil & Gas Ltd.
The order directed the affected banks to restrict outward transactions from the accounts.
But the freezing order soon became the subject of another legal battle after Achimugu challenged its continued enforcement. She alleged, among other things, that the EFCC had directed SunTrust Bank, through a letter dated April 24, 2025, to transfer funds from one of the frozen accounts into a CBN/EFCC recovery account even though the freezing order was still in force.
The controversy escalated when the Federal High Court, on August 27, 2025, ordered the reversal of ₦1.8 billion transferred from account number 0001313173 domiciled with SunTrust Bank. Justice Adamu held the transfer to be illegal and directed that the money be returned.
The EFCC challenged that decision at the Court of Appeal.
The appellate court agreed with the EFCC on one crucial point but, in doing so, exposed what it considered a fundamental evidentiary problem in the lower court’s handling of the accounts.
The court found that the accounts expressly captured by the April 10, 2025 freezing order included current accounts belonging to Drive.FGC.Net and Felak Concepts Ltd.
According to the judgment, Drive.FGC.Net’s current account carried a balance of ₦50,518,009.57, while Felak Concepts Ltd’s account had ₦16,220,608.37. But the ₦1.8 billion that became the centre of the dispute was held in a fixed deposit account, while another ₦7.79 billion was linked to internal ledger account numbers 2010155010 and 2010155011.
The appellate court questioned the lower court’s treatment of the accounts as identical.
It pointedly observed that the trial court had failed to explain how an account holding about ₦50 million could at the same time have yielded ₦1.8 billion for transfer.
The implication was decisive: the account containing the ₦1.8 billion was not among those expressly covered by the original freezing order.
The Court of Appeal therefore set aside the order directing the reversal of the ₦1.8 billion. But it carefully stopped short of giving the EFCC a clean bill of health.
The appellate court expressly stated that its decision did not amount to a declaration that the EFCC’s decision to transfer the money was lawful.
That distinction could prove significant in any subsequent legal proceedings over the disputed funds.
While the EFCC succeeded on the question of the ₦1.8 billion, it suffered a more consequential defeat over the continued freezing of the 124 accounts.
The anti-graft agency had argued that the Federal High Court acted improperly by delivering its ruling during the annual vacation and that it had been denied fair hearing. The Court of Appeal rejected both arguments.
Justice Sirajo held that delivering a reserved judgment during the court’s annual vacation did not amount to the conduct of general legal business and did not occasion a miscarriage of justice.
On fair hearing, the court noted that both sides had filed further affidavits and counter-affidavits on the disputed transfer. The court concluded that the parties had been adequately heard.
But the appellate court drew a firm constitutional and procedural line over the continued use of the ex parte order.
It held that such an order is intended to be temporary, principally to preserve disputed funds pending the hearing and determination of the substantive application.
Allowing the freezing order to remain in force for more than 15 months, the court held, amounted to an abuse of court process and a subversion of the rule of law.
The appellate court consequently discharged and vacated in its entirety the April 10, 2025 ex parte order freezing and restricting the accounts of Achimugu and the corporate entities associated with her.
The ruling effectively ends the interim restrictions that had kept the accounts frozen for more than a year.
The judgment also exposes a deeper procedural issue in the use of ex parte financial restrictions: an order intended as a short-term preservation mechanism cannot, in the court’s view, be allowed to morph into an open-ended restraint without the substantive case being properly determined.
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